Socialism still exists in the US-socialism for the wealthy in the form of tax cuts. It’s the free market for everyone else who works for a living. As for Che’s pic on the bloodsucker Smirnoff bottle, I hope his family is getting paid for it

The deep-seated anticapitalist-imperialist Latin American spirit discussed here is exactly what the American ruling class military/intelligence technocrats have conspired, policed and warred against for more than a century in service to the corrupt barons of profits, worker and resource exploitation, mass imprisonment and mass murder.

These peoples may be pushed to fight violence with violence in the years ahead if the U.S. continues its tradition of providing material support to rich right wing cliques. The old lexicon of freedom fighters, guerrillas, movements and liberation fronts_ may come to be deemed to naturally include jihadists among its denotations in the years ahead. The Internet is going to help decide some of these linguistic norms.

“I hope his family is getting paid for it”

Last I heard they weren’t but they were going to start going after these fuckers with the law as no one has ever gotten permission to use his image from them.

I think I’ll learn Spanish and head south – I need some inspiration!

uberche – yeah the family is supposed to put a ban on the commercial use of his image. thank god. i’m all for the image and what it stands for to many people, but its commodification and reification into the capitalist marketplace economy was disturbingly ironic and an insult to the principles and ideals for which Ché fought and died (though he was a complicated man, and did many things i disagree with).

Here is an interesting article, sorry im not taking the time to translate it

Hay distintos modos de girar a la izquierda en América latina

Carlos Fuentes. ESCRITOR MEXICANO

El panorama de la izquierda actual en Latinoamérica ha sido descrito muchos veces en los últimos tiempos y seguirá siendo objeto de interpretaciones apasionadas, toda vez que contiene (a) la novedad de un retorno después de largos inviernos militaristas y primaveras democráticas que no llegaron a la base popular de la pirámide, y (b) un verdadera ensalada de tendencias.

Fidel Castro es el decano de la izquierda latinoamericana. Casi medio siglo en el poder gracias a dos factores consecutivos. Primero, la agresión de los EE.UU. acostumbrados, desde las épocas de la Enmienda Platt, a dominar la isla, los EE.UU. se encontraron, en la revolución castrista, con “la forma de su zapato”.

Increíble juego de equívocos: la hostilidad de diez administraciones norteamericanas no ha hecho sino afianzar el poder de Castro.

Una famosa caricatura muestra cada mandatario estadounidense a partir de Eisenhower entonando la mantra “Fidel Castro está a punto de caer”. Los intentos de normalización de Carter y Clinton fracasaron: no le convenían a Castro, quien — segundo factor — ha montado un aparato autoritario sobre la base de la defensa contra el imperialismo yanqui (sin comillas, señor corrector). Esto convierte a cualquier opositor, ipsofacto, en traidor potencial. La maquinaria totalitaria es aceitada por el enemigo y se lubrica a sí misma. Lo que no le funciona a Castro es la economía. Los intentos de diversificación han fracasado, Cuba ha regresado al monocultivo y a la explotación turística.

Una “economía gigoló” fue sostenida largo tiempo por la hoy extinta URSS artificialmente, abandonada al terminar la guerra fría y rescatada de nuevo por la munificencia petrolera de Hugo Chávez.

Los méritos de Cuba — educación y salud — deben sobrevivir al régimen. Y la ayuda de Chávez es tan pasajera como el personaje mismo. Montado sobre la quinta producción mundial de petróleo, Hugo Chávez se pasea como gobernante de izquierda cuando en verdad es un Mussolini tropical, dispuesto a prodigar con benevolencia la riqueza petrolera pero sacrificando las fuentes de producción y empleo.

Ataca a los EE.UU. en materia comercial (el ALCA) pero no toca con una pluma la relación petrolera que sufraga al gobierno de Caracas.

Como Perón, combina un discurso populista con grandes dosis de filantropía social. Al contrario de Perón, no construye una industria local diversificada. Chávez y sus espejismos se disiparán. Una población desencantada buscará nuevos caminos sin haber aprendido demasiado. La izquierda venezolana debe construir ya su proyecto poschavista.

En otro extremo de América, se encuentran las izquierdas del sur. Titubeante aún, el gobierno de Néstor Kirchner en Argentina indeciso entre un neoperonismo intolerante y un neoperonismo blando.

Sorpresivo, el gobierno de Tabaré Vázquez en Uruguay, ágil en su defensa del interés nacional por encima de los rubros izquierda-derecha, y muy especial el caso de Brasil, con un presidente Lula que ha propiciado un enorme éxito económico y comercial pero que decepciona a su base electoral popular y se mancha con escándalos de corrupción tan melodramáticos como los múltiples rostros de quien fue la eminencia gris de ese gobierno, José Dirceu.

Es de desear que el gobierno de Lula, si es derrotado en las próximas elecciones, deje un terreno lo más desbrozado posible a sus sucesores.

La otra cara de la izquierda en Latinoamérica la representa, por supuesto, Ricardo Lagos. Bajo su mandato, el pinochetismo ha sido enterrado por la autoridad judicial (revelando, de paso que el atroz tirano era también un siniestro ladrón, jefe de una mafiosa familia de cacos cínicos) y el Ejecutivo se ha dedicado a no condenar el pasado sino a construir el futuro.

Mercado y estado: el equilibrio entre ambos factores ha asegurado el veloz (e incompleto) desarrollo de Chile bajo el socialismo.

La pobreza ha descendido del 40 al 18%. Todavía es mucha pobreza: Michelle Bachelet tiene la mesa puesta. Pero Lagos deja atrás un modelo superado: el consenso de Washington que no compaginó niveles de inversión con crecimiento sostenido ni mayor crecimiento con mayor equidad.

Y lega a Bachelet un modelo en construcción que supone preservar el equilibrio macroeconómico a fin de atender con urgencia el retraso microeconómico: crecimiento con empleo, infraestructura, educación, redistribución y oportunidades.

Es este el proyecto que, a grandes rasgos, le conviene también a una izquierda mexicana renovada, que hoy representa Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Satanizado como populista y demagogo, López Obrador ha dado una señal muy positiva en el discurso inaugural de su campaña en Metlatonoc, Guerrero: “Que se escuche bien y que se escuche lejos: habrá economía de mercado, pero el Estado promoverá el desarrollo social para combatir las desigualdades”.

Y añadió: “Habrá orden macroeconómico y disciplina en el manejo de la inflación y el déficit público”. Y sobre todo, apuntó que tanto la micro como la macroeconomía deberán combatir a la pobreza que es, lo sabemos todos, la lacra más dolorosa y permanente de México desde que Humboldt nos definió, a principios del siglo XIX, como el país de la desigualdad y nuestra debilidad mayor, como lo ilustra la excelente novela de Ignacio Solares sobre la guerra méxico-norteamericana de 1848, La Invasión.

Habrá tiempo de regresar sobre las propuestas del candidato López Obrador, expresando la esperanza de que su camino sea más el de Lagos que el de Chávez y la seguridad de que ni Lagos ni Chávez son, en pureza, repetibles en un país que compartió una frontera de tres mil kilómetros con la primera potencia mundial.

Situación que tampoco concierto al último izquierdista en llegar al poder en Latinoamérica, Evo Morales. Electo con una clara mayoría, Morales confirma un giro positivo de la política latinoamericana: la izquierda puede llegar al poder por la vía electoral.

No hace mucho, esto era inconcebible. La izquierda no tenía más recurso que la insurrección armada. Sin duda, Evo Morales es consciente de que su elección lo compromete no sólo a él, sino al maltratado pueblo de Bolivia, a mantener con claridad de inteligencia los mismos procesos políticos libres que lo llevaron, por primera vez, al poder.

babelfish translation (which really sucks, but it’ll do):

There are different ways to turn to the left in Latin America

Carlos Sources. MEXICAN WRITER

Panorama of left present in Latin America has be described many times lately and will continue being object of interpretations enthusiastic, every time the newness of a return contains (a) after lengths to invier us militaristas and democratic springs that did not arrive at the popular base of the pyramid, and (b) a true salad of tendencies.
Fidel I castrate is the dean of the Latin American left. Almost half century in the power thanks to two consecutive factors. First, the aggression of the customary U.S.A., from the times of the Platt Amendment, to dominate the island, the U.S.A. was, in the Castro revolution, with “la forms of his zapato”.

Incredible game of ambiguities: the hostility of ten North American administrations has not done but to strengthen the power of I castrate.

A famous cartoon shows to each American agent chief executive from Eisenhower intoning mantra “Fidel Castro is on the verge of caer”. The attempts of normalization of Carter and Clinton failed: they did not agree to him to I castrate, who — second factor — has mounted an authoritarian apparatus on the base of the defense against Yankee imperialism (without comiles, Sir corrector). This turns any opponent, ipsofacto, in treasonous potential. The totalitarian machinery is oiled by the enemy and it is lubricated to itself. What it does not work to him to I castrate is the economy. The attempts of diversification have failed, Cuba has returned to the monoculture and the tourist operation.

A “economía gigoló” long time by extinct today USSR was maintained artificially, left when finishing the cold and rescued war again by the oil munificencia of Hugo Chávez.
The merits of Cuba — education and health — must survive the regime. And the aid of Chávez is as fleeting as the same personage. Mounted on the fifth world-wide petroleum production, Hugo Chávez takes a walk like governor of left when in truth is a tropical Mussolini, arranged to lavish with benevolence the oil wealth but sacrificing the sources of production and use.

It attacks the U.S.A. in commercial matter (the ALCA) but does not touch with a pen the oil relation that supports to the government of Caracas.

Like Perón, it combines a speech Populist with great social doses of filantropía. Unlike Perón, it does not construct a diversified local industry. Chávez and its mirages will dissipate. A disillusioned population will look for new ways without to have learned too much. The Venezuelan left must construct its poschavista project already.

In another end of America, are the lefts of the south. Titubeante still, the government of Néstor Kirchner in Argentina indeciso between a intolerante neoPeronism and a soft neoPeronism.

Surprise, the government of Tabaré Vázquez in Uruguay, agile in his defense of the national interest over the headings left-right, and very special the case of Brazil, with president commercial Lula who has caused an enormous economic success and but that disappoints to its popular electoral base and stains with as melodramáticos scandals of corruption as the multiple faces of that was the gray eminence of that government, Jose Dirceu.

He is to wish that the government of Lula, if he is defeated in the next elections, leaves a possible land the most cleared to his successors.

The other face of the left in Latin America represents it, of course, Ricardo Lakes. Under its mandate, the pinochetismo has been buried by the judicial authority (revealing, of step that the atrocious tyrant was also a sinister thief, head of a gangster family of cynical thieves) and the Executive has dedicated itself not to condemn the past but to construct the future.

Market and state: the balance between both factors has assured quick (and incomplete) the development Chile under the socialism.

The poverty has descended from the 40 to 18%. Still it is much poverty: Michelle Bachelet has the put table. But Lakes leave a model back surpassed: the consensus of Washington that did not arrange levels of investment with growth maintained nor greater growth with greater fairness.

And it bequeaths to Bachelet a model in construction that supposes to preserve the macroeconomic balance in order to take care of with urgency the microeconomic delay: growth with use, infrastructure, education, redistribution and opportunities.

It is the this project that, in broad strokes, agrees to him also to a renewed Mexican left, that today represents Andrés Manuel Lopez Obrador. Satanizado like Populist and demagogue, Lopez Obrador has signaled very positive in the inaugural speech of its campaign in Metlatonoc, Guerrero: “Que is listened to well and that is listened to far: there will be market economy, but the State will promote the social development to fight desigualdades”.

And it added: it will “Habrá macroeconomic order and discipline in the handling of the inflation and the deficit público”. And mainly, it pointed that as much micro as the macroeconomics will have to fight to the poverty that is, we know all to it, it damages it more painful and permanent of Mexico since Humboldt defined to us, at the beginning of century XIX, like the country of the inequality and our greater weakness, as it illustrates the excellent Solar novel of Ignacio on the war 1848 Mexico-North American, the Invasion.

There will be time to return on the proposals of the candidate Lopez Obrador, being expressed the hope of which their way is plus the one of Lakes that the one of Chávez and the security of which neither Lakes nor Chávez are, in purity, repetibles in a country that shared a border of three thousand kilometers with the first world-wide power.

Situation that either concert to the last leftist in arriving at the power in Latin America, Evo Moral. Elect with a clear majority, Morals confirm a positive turn of the Latin American policy: the left can arrive at the power by the electoral route.

Not long ago, this was inconceivable. The left did not have more resource than the armed rebellion. Without a doubt, Evo Moral is conscious that its election jeopardizes not only him, but to the mistreated town of Bolivia, to such maintain with intelligence clarity free political processes that took it, for the first time, to the power.